Artwork or Art Work? Effort or Value?

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Theory of Coffee Value

I know a talented artist who refuses to sell his paintings for less than he values the hours spent rendering them. His work is vibrant and arresting, but he doesn’t sell many paintings, which frustrates him greatly. I know very little about marketing artwork, but I do know that his pricing rationale is foolish. For one thing, the hours expended on a particular work are a sunk cost that he should forget if he wants to sell. And he doesn’t know this, but his opinion on pricing is an implication of Karl Marx’s labor theory of value, the flawed proposition that all value derives from the labor necessary to produce it.

Of course, value is in the eye of the beholder. In any potential exchange, value is determined in the first instance by the subjective assessment of a prospective buyer. Their willingness to pay is based on the enjoyment or utility they expect to gain from the transaction. There is no deal if the seller is unwilling to trade at that price; no one benefits unless the seller is thrilled to do the work without compensation, happy to consume or enjoy their own output, or gratified to simply hold it in inventory. My artist friend isn’t happy with that outcome, but his valuation has not passed a market test. Exactly where is the economic value of his labor? This is a cruel reality to those who scrape by in pursuits that often fail market tests, but it’s a reality that allows resources to be guided into uses that are most highly-valued and that satisfy wants most effectively.

It is surprising to me that the labor theory of value is so thoroughly embedded in the public’s thinking. Ryan McMaken at Mises Wire addresses this point in “Nobody Cares How Hard You Work“. Employers and employees often mistake hours worked and even effort for economic value. Working hard is thought to be admirable, but it is not always consistent with value creation:

… too many workplaces still subtly communicate to employees the idea that intense effort, usually in the form of long hours, is the best route to a promotion. In fact, though, if you can do your job brilliantly and still leave at 3 p.m. each day, a really good boss shouldn’t object. And by the same token, you shouldn’t cite all the effort you put in when making your case for a raise. Why should a results-focused boss even care?

At Liberty.me, Michael Bunch’s “A Misunderstanding of Labor and Value” offers some excellent quotes on the distinction, including this from Carl Menger:

Value is a judgment economizing men make about the importance of the goods at their disposal for the maintenance of their lives and well-being. Hence value does not exist outside the consciousness of men.

Ignoring the contribution of existing capital to production is an obvious error made by proponents of the labor theory of value, who argue that all value creation should be returned to labor as a reward. Bunch quotes Frederic Bastiat on this topic:

Without these things [i.e., capital], the labor of man would be unproductive, and almost void; yet these very things have required much work, especially at first. This is the reason that so much value has been attached to the possession of them, and also that it is perfectly lawful to exchange and to sell them, to make a profit of them if used, to gain remuneration from them if lent.

Yes, capital is man-made wealth, and labor plays an obvious role in its creation. Once extant, however, capital is a productive asset that enhances the productivity of labor as well. As property, its owners must be rewarded at least its marginal product, just as labor must be rewarded at least its marginal product. If the total product is deemed of sufficient value by buyers, then the activity will continue to the benefit of all concerned.

Bunch’s real intent is a bit off-topic: he seeks to refute the notion that patriarchy in the U.S. is active in assigning under-compensated roles to women. I’m not convinced that it’s necessary to debunk the labor theory of value to make that point. 

Is the labor theory of value irrational? Yes! Behavioral economists agree, as the links above point out. There are certainly times when the theory drives the subjective market valuations of buyers. Some behavioral economists use this as a rationale for government intrusion, but there is every reason to believe that an external authority would produce more distorted valuations and allocate resources less efficiently than the flawed market participants. And after all, in a free society, it is not incumbent on an authority to second guess private decisions. A good outcome is whatever floats your boat.

Obamacare’s Left-Handed Monkey Wrench

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Distorted overtures celebrating the great success of Obamacare continue, but no one who cares about the facts is buying the blather. Megan McArdle reminds us that even if we stipulate that the 9.9 million now enrolled on the exchanges have gained somethingObamacare has delivered far less than promised. McArdle also notes the high-risk skew of the population within the risk pools. That’s why insurers are losing money on Obamacare coverage, though their losses have been covered via government “risk corridors” thus far. In “Obamacare Bear Market” at wsj.com (links to a Google search result to get around the paywall — or just search “wsj Obamacare Bear”), we hear about the dismal financial performance of the Obamacare coops, which sell plans on the exchanges. The WSJ also reflects on a new working paper from Wharton economists:

They conclude that, ‘even under the most optimistic assumptions,’ half of the formerly uninsured take on both a higher financial burden and lower welfare, and on net ‘average welfare for the uninsured population would be estimated to decline after the ACA [Affordable Care Act] if all members of that population obtained coverage.’

In other words, ObamaCare harms the people it is supposed to help. This is not a prescription for a healthy, durable program.

Health economist John C. Goodman gives more detail on the Wharton study in “Obamacare is bad for the middle class. Even Ezra Klein admits that the health plan is a failure. Whether Klein really gets it or not, the result is just another failure of central planning. Here’s a quote from Michael Schaus from the last link:

The same people who failed miserably at launching a website will soon be regulating the sophisticated day-to-day decisions of hospitals, insurers and doctors.

Anticipating another year of disappointing enrollments ahead, the White House now is low-balling its enrollment target for 2016. This an apparent attempt to present a better face to the public when the bad numbers roll in.

Another piece by Goodman explains that “bending the cost curve” with Obamacare was always a fool’s errand. Again, it has a lot to do with the folly of central planning:

In a normal market, the entrepreneurs wake up every morning and ask themselves: How can I make costs lower, quality higher, and access to my product better today?

But in a bureaucratic system – where revenues are determined not by customer satisfaction, but by complicated payment formulas – they tend to wake up and ask: How can I get more money out of the payment formulas today?

Goodman explains that an insurance firm providing coverage through Medicare Advantage would have nothing to gain by introducing cost-saving innovations: all of the extra profit would be turned over to Medicare. Incentives matter, but bureaucrats often fail to understand incentives and their power to improve performance. Goodman also describes the poor results of the so-called Accountable Care Organizations, the futile pilot programs and demonstration projects related to the practice of medicine, and the gaming that has taken place within the hospital “pay-for-performance” program. Ironically, the most certain outcome of any attempt to impose central planning on an industry is that there will be unintended and undesirable consequences.

Goodman has written a book proposing an Obamacare replacement, entitled “A Better Choice: Healthcare Solutions For America“. Here is David Henderson’s favorable review, in which he focuses on the negative labor market effects of Obamacare, including poor incentives for employers and work effort, among other things. To close, here’s an excerpt from Henderson’s introduction:

If you think that the Patient Protection and affordable Care act (ACA, also known as Obamacare) is bad because of its expense, the distortions it causes in the labor market, its failure to provide people what they really want, and its highly unequal treatment of people in similar situations, wait until you read John C. Goodman’s A Better Choice: Healthcare Solutions for America. You will likely conclude that the ACA is even worse than you thought.

That’s the bad news. The good news is that Goodman … proposes reforms that would do more for the uninsured than the ACA does, and at lower cost, and also would make things better for the currently insured. and it would do all this while avoiding mandates, creating more real competition among insurers, and making the health care sector more responsive to consumers….

Bernie Sanders Wants To Deal… Your Property

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Fall In Hole giphy

Bernie Sanders is very sincere in his beliefs, and yet he is profoundly ignorant regarding economic growth in the U.S. and the futility of socialism as form of economic organization. Chelsea German, at the HumanProgress blog, presents some simple facts that contradict a few of the Senator’s favorite assertions. In “Senator Sanders and the Fixed Pie Fallacy“, German quotes a line that Sanders has been using for at least 41 years: “The rich are getting richer and the poor are getting poorer.” Granted, his first utterance of that expression might have been in a recession, but aside from those relatively brief episodes, he’s been wrong for the duration. Apparently, Sanders cannot fathom the widespread gains made possible by capitalism and economic growth. Only a “fixed pie” (or worse) would necessarily imply that gains must come at the expense of others, as he seems to believe. (H.T. to Ken DeVaughn on the brilliant gif above.)

One chart in German’s post shows that after-tax income grew in every quintile of the U.S. income distribution from 1979 (pre-recession) to 2010 (post-recession). The chart is taken from CBO data used by Gary Burtless in a piece published by Brookings. Sanders should have a look. However, it’s also important to note that people generally don’t remain in the same strata of the distribution over time. A second chart, from Angus Deaton’s “The Great Escape“, shows that U.S. poverty rates have generally declined over time. Finally, German shows that with a few interruption, GDP has grown over time. All of these facts might be something of a surprise to Sanders. German quotes the great Deirdre McCloskey:

The rich got richer, true. But millions more have gas heating, cars, smallpox vaccinations, indoor plumbing, cheap travel, rights for women, lower child mortality, adequate nutrition, taller bodies, doubled life expectancy, schooling for their kids, newspapers, a vote, a shot at university, and respect.

Sanders showcases his lack of familiarity with economic principles almost every time he opens his mouth, or his Twitter account. He recently opined that rates of interest on student loans should be lower than rates on loans for autos and mortgages. Of course, both auto loans and mortgages are secured by valuable collateral and have much lower default rates. It’s a good thing for Sanders that he didn’t pursue a career in lending.

Recently, Hillary Clinton has been unable to restrain herself from chasing Sanders off the rhetorical cliff. Clinton is offering the public lots of “free stuff“, like Sanders, in a transparent attempt to buy votes with promises of future largess. Neither candidate has offered a credible plan for funding their promises. Higher taxes on “Wall Street” and other top earners are the supposed answer, but those measures would be woefully inadequate. Look out, middle class!

By the way, another recent Brookings study shows that increasing the top marginal income tax rate, a policy of which Sanders would approve, would do little to reduce the degree of income inequality.

Of course, Sanders seems just as unfamiliar with the great failures of socialism over the past century as he is with the successes of capitalism in eliminating poverty. He thinks the U.S. should adopt the socialist policies in Scandanavia, but the truth is that socialism has served to inhibit the continued success of capitalism in those countries (also see here). Perhaps that’s why Denmark is scaling back its redistributionist policies.

The Left, including Bernie Sanders, are burdened by a naive utopianism so powerful that they can rationalize the confiscation of private property to support their personal preferences and those of the political class. The aristocratic Left, like Hillary, differ only in the power they hold to influence policy. Perhaps a few suffer from a strong sense of guilt regarding their own circumstances. No, not Hillary. But both Bernie and Hillary are guilty of gross social and economic misdiagnosis. Politicians, heal thyselves!

Egalitarian Aggression

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communism Lady liberty in rear view mirror

In what sense is “equality” a rational objective? Can it ever be achieved without aggression? It’s certainly admirable for individuals to treat all others fairly and without bias against personal traits. A society composed of individuals possessing that kind of integrity is one in which “equal opportunity” exists in an intuitive sense. Such a society would yield market outcomes that are free from personal discrimination.

There are many social pitfalls when central authorities attempt to enforce this sort of equality. There will always be minor and even random cases of treatment that someone considers unfair. Any effort to adjudicate such incidents comes at a great resource cost. The potential for moral hazard in pursuing grievances is also strong, and the enforcement authority may well have biases of its own.

Stronger forms of equality are even more difficult to achieve in a free society. There are many barriers to “equality” that most people would regard as natural, like genetics and the integrity of the family. And like family, many other barriers to equality are cultural virtues, such as educational and occupational rewards based on merit. The institution of strong private property rights provides an effective system of incentives that fosters efficient resource allocation, promoting economic growth and human well-being, but it’s rewards will not be distributed equally.

Institutionalized tampering with any of these features for the sake of equality tends to legitimize envy as a cause of social action. And the intrusions require design and enforcement of a system of social “overrides” by a central authority possessing police power. Needless to say, this must involve elements of aggression and tyranny. These overrides introduce significant risks to individual freedom and the functioning of markets, and are likely to cause widespread destruction of welfare. In that sense, forced equality cannot be a rational objective.

These points are developed more fully in “The Menace of Egalitarianism“, a piece by Llewellyn Rockwell Jr. at the Mises Daily blog.

A libertarian is perfectly at peace with the universal phenomenon of human difference. He does not wish it away, he does not shake his fist at it, he does not pretend not to notice it. It affords him another opportunity to marvel at a miracle of the market: its ability to incorporate just about anyone into the division of labor. … Indeed the division of labor is based on human difference.

Rockwell goes on to explain the law of comparative advantage, which allows more productive and less productive individuals to profit by specializing in areas for which each has the lowest opportunity cost. And when producers compete for rewards, as Rockwell notes, average consumers (and rich ones and poor ones) are the ultimate beneficiaries.

Outcomes such as the inequality of wealth and income are not only impossible to avoid, they are natural consequences of economic freedom. Several earlier posts on Sacred Cow Chips have dealt with this topic, and can be viewed from the Home page by typing “inequality” into the search box near the top. For his part, Rockwell discusses the “Wilt Chamberlain” problem, whereby private demand to witness great athletic prowess results in a shift towards an unequal distribution of income:

… the pattern of wealth distribution is disturbed as soon as anyone engages in any exchange at all. Are we to cancel the results of all these exchanges and return everyone’s money to the original owners? Is Chamberlain to be deprived of the money people freely chose to gave [sic] him in exchange for the entertainment he provided?

The fact that “equality” is seldom well-defined as an actual objective should be met with skepticism. Here’s more Rockwell:

It is precisely this lack of clarity that makes the idea of equality so advantageous for the state. No one is entirely sure what the principle of equality commits him to. And keeping up with its ever-changing demands is more difficult still. … Equality is a concept that cannot and will not be kept restrained or nailed down.”  

He takes a dismal view of “cultural inequality” and “equality of opportunity” as worthwhile causes for invoking the power of the state. For example, two families in different economic circumstances will generally confer different opportunities to their children. Dylan Matthews at Vox makes the same point in “Equality of Opportunity“, though Matthews’ analysis is weak in several respects. The point here is that there is only so much that can be done to correct for unequal family-related endowments without undermining the integrity of the family (not to mention property rights). This has long been a bone of contention with respect to the design of U.S. welfare programs. But the problem is much deeper:

In the course of working toward equality, the state expands its power at the expense of other forms of human association, including the family itself. The family has always been the primary obstacle to the egalitarian program. The very fact that parents differ in their knowledge, skill levels, and devotion to their offspring means that children in no two households can ever be raised ‘equally.’

Robert Nisbet, the Columbia University sociologist, openly wondered if [John] Rawls would be honest enough to admit that his system, if followed to its logical conclusion, had to lead to the abolition of the family. ‘I have always found treatment of the family to be an excellent indicator of the degree of zeal and authoritarianism, overt or latent, in a moral philosopher or political theorist,’ Nisbet said.

And here is Rawls himself expressing doubts, as quoted by Rockwell:

It seems that when fair opportunity (as it has been defined) is satisfied, the family will lead to unequal chances between individuals. Is the family to be abolished then? Taken by itself and given a certain primacy, the idea of equal opportunity inclines in this direction.

The quest for “equality” is a creeping force. It infects economic life in a way that makes widespread gains in welfare difficult to achieve, diminishes expectations and fosters social devolution. It also leads to demands for eliminating useful distinctions, which can only be erased though aggression by the state. This forces a convergence toward the least common denominator throughout the culture. I believe the following statement by Rockwell rings true:

The obsession with equality… undermines every indicator of health we might look for in a civilization. It involves a madness so complete that although it flirts with the destruction of the family…. It leads to the destruction of standards — scholarly, cultural, and behavioral. It is based on assertion rather than evidence, and it attempts to gain ground not through rational argument but by intimidating opponents into silence. There is nothing honorable or admirable about any aspect of the egalitarian program.

Anti-Capitalists Prescribe Third-World Phlebotomy

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nike-sweatshop-cartoon3

Working conditions and wages in the third-world usually look so undesirable to observers in developed countries that we commonly use the term “sweatshops” to describe production facilities serving global markets in developing countries. Those facilities, however, are relatively modern by their domestic standards. The wages and working conditions are far superior to traditional opportunities available to the workers, offering them a rare opportunity to get out of poverty. But it is not uncommon to hear a narrow view that these workers are “exploited”, as if shutting down those operations was a better alternative. Calls for boycotts and other measures to punish firms with ties to those facilities are a common refrain from the Left, but if successful, the real victims of such activists would be the very workers whose interests they claim to represent.

Johan Norberg makes this all too clear in the Huffington Post, in “How Your T-Shirt Saves the World“, citing reports from the World Bank and the International Food Policy Research Institute: 

The number of extremely poor in Bangladesh fell from 44 to 26 million between 2000 and 2010, despite the population growing by 15 million. Since 2004, the level of poverty in Cambodia has more than halved, from 52 to just over 20 percent. It is ‘one of the best performers in poverty reduction worldwide’, according to the World Bank.

This is a stunning success in the countries that need it the most, and the export sector has been instrumental in bringing it about. It increases the workers’ productivity, and therefore also their wages and working conditions, which has been especially important for women. In a study from the International Food Policy Research Institute, the researchers show that the increase in Bangladeshi wages from the garment sector ‘dwarfed’ the rise attributed to government programs. …

Obviously even the best jobs in very poor countries look bad compared to what we are used to in Europe and America, but that is not the alternative in an economy at a low level of capital and education. As a worker I interviewed in Vietnam once put it, the main complaint to management was that she wanted the factories to expand so that her relatives could get the same kinds of jobs.

This is a very basic lesson in the process of economic development, and no one pretends that it’s easy. In this interview of Professor Benjamin Powell of Texas Tech University in The Freeman, he quotes Penn Jillette of Penn & Teller:

The way Penn … put it once when he interviewed me is that ‘it’s better than tilling the soil with Grandpa’s femur.’ That is a bit crass . . . but true. Wishing away reality doesn’t give these workers better alternatives. Workers choose to work in sweatshops because it is their best available option. Sweatshops, however, are better than just the least bad option. They bring with them the proximate causes of economic development (capital, technology, the opportunity to build human capital) that lead to greater productivity—which eventually raises pay, shortens working hours, and improves working conditions.

When you hear anyone talk about “exploitation” of workers in the third world by capitalists, ask them what alternatives they have in mind for lifting those workers out of poverty. Chances are they will pretend that firms can offer pay at levels far exceeding the current productivity of the workers — a prescription for closing the operations. Or they might offer naive suggestions that rely heavily on government as a benefactor, which are unlikely to succeed in ending poverty. They might even advocate for “fair trade”, which is leftist ear-candy code for protectionism. Nothing could be worse for first-world consumers or more harmful to the cause of economic development in the third world. As Norberg says of the so-called “sweatshops”: “The world needs more jobs like these, not fewer.

Gun Laws and Homicides: No Correlation, Let Alone Causality

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SugarPill

President Obama’s blustery, anti-gun outburst in the immediate aftermath of the recent shootings in Oregon included an assertion that states with the toughest gun laws have the lowest homicide rates. Eugene Volokh rebuts that claim in the Washington Post in “Zero correlation between state homicide rate and state gun laws“. Volokh’s effort prompts this quick follow-up to a post from earlier this week here on SCC: “But They Mean Well: Authoritarian, Anti-Gun Champs of Inefficacy“.

Volokh constructs a small data set for the 50 states and D.C with 2013 “Brady Scores” on gun laws, intentional homicide rates and accidental gun deaths. He discusses various measures that might be used to test the “Obama gun-law hypothesis”. Volokh rejects gun homicides because differences across states can be offset by other kinds of homicides. In addition, gun homicides may be reduced by defensive gun uses (DGUs) or the threat of DGUs. Instead, Volokh uses total homicides in one experiment and total homicides plus accidental gun deaths in another. He finds small positive correlations between tougher gun laws and both measures — a near zero association.

Volokh’s study is “quick and dirty”, so to speak, and it runs counter to the findings of some earlier cross-sectional studies. However, there are many factors that may confound any empirical association between gun laws, gun ownership rates, total guns and outcomes. That’s why other researchers insist that the question of gun-law efficacy must be assessed based on changes in outcome measures occurring after a change in gun law. These comparisons consistently show that imposition of tougher gun restrictions is not associated with declines in homicides.

But They Mean Well: Authoritarian, Anti-Gun Champs of Inefficacy

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How would “common-sense gun laws” reduce the incidence of mass shootings, total homicides or gun violence in general? Many believe it to be true, but convincing explanations are hard to come by. That’s because reasoned thinking does not produce those explanations. Nevertheless, words are cheap, and the sheer flow of weak memes and bad journalism appears to wash the brains of those with a vulnerability to gun hysteria. Sheldon Richman addresses the feeble logic of gun control proposals in the wake of last week’s tragic shootings in Oregon. He states flatly that the claims of gun control advocates rely on “magical thinking”, and that “common sense” supports other policies. (Richman is quite a guy, having been featured in two consecutive posts on this blog).

As a preface, the recent FBI Uniform Crime Report for 2014 shows another in a long series of reductions in homicides and gun violence. This has occurred despite a trend of rising gun ownership. Previous posts on Sacred Cow Chips have dealt with the evidence on gun violence and the efficacy of gun control measures, including “A Farewell To Firearms Control“, “Causal Confusion In The Gun Debate“, and “When Government Prohibits Self Defense“. Among other issues, these posts note the overwhelming evidence that defensive gun uses far outweigh gun homicides.

Advocates of stricter gun control measures assert that they would somehow reduce the frequency of mass shootings. Richman picks apart the claim that universal background checks would help. In fact, it’s clear from the circumstances that additional restrictions on the sale of guns would not have prevented any of the high-profile mass shootings in recent memory, including New Town, Charleston and Roseburg. Some of those killers passed background checks. Furthermore, more restrictions on gun sales would do nothing to prevent illegal trade in guns.

We can have no reasonable expectation that people who intend to commit violent offenses against others will be deterred by mere restrictions on gun purchases and possession. Stubbornly ignoring that self-evident truth is the sign of a magical disposition.

Hillary Clinton proposes universal background checks, confiscation of weapons from domestic abusers and holding gun manufacturers and dealers liable for crimes perpetrated with weapons they made or sold. Those last two proposals are an affront to liberty, and the last is likely to be counterproductive by pricing low-income buyers out of the market, who are arguably most in need of guns for self-defense.

Richman ridicules the notion that gun violence can be reduced by devoting more resources to mental health care. I don’t agree with him 100% on this — improved mental health care might have a small effect — but he argues the point effectively. It is difficult to see how any reasonable initiative in this area could have more than a minor impact on gun violence, and by that I mean an initiative that respects individual liberty. Proponents might imagine lovely rest homes and caring personal psychiatric consultations for those identified as psychotic, along with lots of nice drugs. Perhaps they’ll get the drugs, but as often articulated, the concept smacks too much of a “lock ’em up” mentality. The accuracy with which murderers can be properly diagnosed will be close to zero, and it may cost some of the eccentric among us dearly. Richman  asks facetiously whether the police should form “pre-crime” units.

As an aside, I must make note of the gun control “meme-of-the-day”: for me, it was one from “Moms Demand Action for Gun Sense in America“. It suggested that guns should be regulated just as motor vehicles are regulated, including a requirement for liability insurance coverage. The comparison is laughable. The creation of public thoroughfares allows the state to assert that driving is a privilege, not a constitutional right. However, the individual right to bear arms is firmly protected by the Second Amendment and has been upheld by the Supreme Court as recently as 2008. It is not a privilege granted by the state. Moreover, how would one define an “insurable” gun death? Those would be accidents, which are quite small in number relative to motor vehicle deaths. It would not include suicides. Most gun incidents involve criminals who will not bother to arrange insurance coverage. Only the law-abiding will do so, and their insurers will have to grapple with the difficulty of handling claims against defensive gun users. Guns are much easier to hide than cars, so effective enforcement doesn’t stand a chance; nor do annual inspections. The expense and abridgment of personal liberty inherent in this proposal would be massive, with little if any effect on gun violence.

I’d be remiss if I failed to mention Damon Root’s excellent article on the Second Amendment. As noted above, it protects the individual right to bear arms, not merely our right as a collective. As Glenn Reynolds has written, the Second Amendment should be viewed as “ordinary constitutional law“. Root emphasizes the extent to which prominent legal minds on the Left have concluded the same. He quotes Sanford Levinson (among others such as Lawrence Tribe):

The embarrassment, Levinson argued, came from the legal left’s refusal to take the Second Amendment seriously. ‘I cannot help but suspect that the best explanation for the absence of the Second Amendment from the legal consciousness of the elite bar,’ he wrote, ‘is derived from a mixture of sheer opposition to the idea of private ownership of guns and the perhaps subconscious fear that altogether plausible, and perhaps even ‘winning’ interpretations would present real hurdles to those of us supporting prohibitory regulation.’

If the usual gun control proposals won’t work, what can be done to reduce mass shootings and gun victimhood in general? Richman discusses the elimination of “gun-free zones” and rebuts the typical objections to doing so. (He is critical of police, who surely deserve blame for certain gun deaths, but Richman may have an inadequate appreciation for the difficulty of police work.) Richman also promotes ending restrictions on concealed and open-carry of handguns. Here is part of his closing, but read the whole thing:

Believers in gun-control magic refuse to acknowledge that one cannot effectively delegate one’s right to or responsibility for self-defense. With enough money, one might arrange for assistance in self-defense, but few will be able to afford protection 24/7. … The only defender guaranteed to be present at any attack against you is: you.

Those who believe in the right to bear arms have common sense on their side in the matter of ending mass shootings. Magic won’t do it.

Must Support For “Family Planning” Be Compelled?

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Fund Me

Where do Libertarians stand on the issue of federal funding of Planned Parenthood? What sort of balance should be struck between the rights of conscientiously-objecting taxpayers and the rights of women to use Planned Parenthood (PP) services? The correct answer has nothing to do with abortion, an issue on which Libertarians lack unanimity. However, the existence of moral objections by any segment of society, whether considered valid by a majority or not, is an important consideration.

Do Individual Freedoms Require Taxpayer Support?

Sheldon Richman discusses the funding question on his Free Association blog in “Planned Parenthood, Social Peace and  the Libertarian approach“. He first makes a basic point: “… no one’s freedom is violated by lack of access to taxpayer money.” I agree, but this statement requires some context. For Libertarians, the baseline is a society in which individual liberty is a presumption. That cannot be the case if taxes and transfers dominate our economic lives. If we’re all busy picking each other’s pockets, then perhaps anyone can lay claim to a dollop of public funds to pay for any damn thing they want. But in a society that explicitly limits the powers of coercive government, private individuals cannot, on the public dime, lay claim to whatever they wish to compel from others. What they desire, after all, is almost always available privately. Therefore, the denial of public funding for PP does not constitute a denial of anyone’s rights.

Individual’s are free to exercise their reproductive or non-reproductive rights as they see fit, and to pay for related services themselves or by seeking a benefactor. Nothing is deprived to that individual other than an invalid claim on the belongings of others.

Individual rights ultimately boil down to the single right to be free from aggression, that is, to self-ownership. Rights would be defined out of existence if they could be ignored whenever doing so would make someone else’s objectives easier to accomplish. Such an approach to “rights” would turn rights theory on its head by making us a mere means to other people’s ends rather than ends in ourselves.

Consistent Application of Property Rights

Richman asserts that the right of ownership of one’s body applies equally to the right of individuals to the income they produce:

Ironically, the right to choose abortion is defended as an application of the right of women to their bodies, that is, as a property right (self-ownership). Another implication of the right to one’s own body is the right to control the fruits of one’s labor (income). No coherent theory of rights can permit a clash of the right to one’s body with the right to the fruits of one’s labor. Thus implicit in the pro-choice case is an argument against tax funding of Planned Parenthood (and anything else), that is, against taxation itself.

Leftist elites say that a denial of public funding for PP is tantamount to a denial of service to low-income women. Richman asks the elites to put up or shut up: if they believe the services in question are critical, they are free support PP financially, but they much prefer to extract resources from taxpayers without regard to possible moral objections.

Protection of Religious and Moral Principles

Richman adds the following thoughts on public funding of Planned Parenthood near the end of his post:

Reasonable people of all persuasions should see that it is simply unreasonable to force people to finance an organization they find morally offensive. Thomas Jefferson famously said, ‘To compel a man to furnish contributions of money for the propagation of opinions which he disbelieves is sinful and tyrannical.’ Compelling men and women to furnish contributions for the performance of services they deem immoral (whether or not they are) is worse.

Supporters of public PP funding have sought to deflect morality-based opposition with the contention that abortions represent only 3% of PP’s services, but Slate debunked that claim over two years ago. It was based on a count of tests and procedures performed, not on revenue. PP also claims that tax funds never pay for abortion, but as Richman points out, once available, the revenue is fungible and may be used to cover the cost of any procedure. In short, the argument is specious.

The Public Good Argument Is Weak

One more elephant in the PP funding debate concerns the appropriate functions of government. Does PP provide a truly “public” good, one having benefits that are nonexclusive to the primary user? Health services are sometimes assumed to confer public benefits; that is an easy argument in the case of infectious diseases and to some extent for medical research, but not for most health services. The benefits of individual health services are largely private, providing little justification for government funding of PP from a public finance perspective.

Collective Action Needs Strict Limits

Collective action should be confined to the provision of public goods, but even then it can be fraught with conflicts, such as the difficulty of accommodating pacifists during wartime. A truly liberal society will do all it can to accommodate diverse beliefs by allowing objectors to opt out, if possible, or avoiding the funding of private activities, especially those over which there is significant dissent. Under no circumstances should one be compelled to pay for private services that they find to be morally objectionable.

Degrees of Poverty and The Social Safety Trap

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Income Dist Chart

The poor in the United States are extremely well-off by international standards. That is clear in the chart above, which David Henderson discusses in “The Role of Luck In The Income Distribution“. By luck, Henderson means that one’s country of birth has a huge impact on their ultimate place in the global income distribution. The chart compares positions in a single country’s income distribution with corresponding points in the global distribution (2008 data). For example, an individual in the 20th percentile of the U.S. income distribution (20 on the horizontal axis) is in roughly the 86th percentile of the global distribution (from the vertical axis). Those at the very bottom of the U.S. income distribution have a greater income than half of the individuals in the world. The average U.S. earner in the lowest 20% earns more than nearly 75% of all earners globally. Individuals across the entire income distribution in the U.S. have higher incomes than their counterparts elsewhere.

Within the U.S., we often use the term “impoverished” in a fairly parochial sense: compared to our compatriots, not to the rest of the world. Robert Rector discusses the living standards of the poor in America in “How Do America’s Poor Really Live? Examining the Census Poverty Report“. The actual census report released this month is discussed in The Atlantic here. Rector states the following:

According to the government’s own reports, the typical American defined as poor by the Census Bureau has a car, air conditioning, and cable or satellite TV. Half of the poor have computers, 43 percent have Internet, and 40 percent have a wide-screen plasma or LCD TV. … Far from being overcrowded, poor Americans have more living space in their home than the average non-poor person in Western Europe.

Rector notes that the Census Bureau’s measure of poverty is based on a flawed definition of income, one that is inconsistent with how income is defined in calculating official measures of poverty in other countries. The Census definition excludes most welfare benefits, and taxes aren’t always subtracted from income by other countries. The Rector post linked above contains an incorrect link to this recent article on international comparisons of poverty rates. When the measurement inconsistencies are corrected, the official U.S. poverty rate is similar to the advanced economies of Europe, and it is lower than Eurooean poverty rates based on a more inclusive definition preferred by many on the left. And again, the actual standard of living of those below the official poverty level in the U.S. is impressive compared to the rest of the world. It is also impressive from a historical perspective.

Rector discusses the failure of the welfare state and the War on Poverty to lift the impoverished out of dependency. This has been covered here on Sacred Cow Chips several times (see here and here). The terrible structure of incentives built into many anti-poverty programs is one of the primary causes, as well as the failure of public education. Also at fault are minimum wage legislation, the War on Drugs, tax policy and a regulatory regime that discourages job creation by punishing new capital investment and business creation.

The left often claims that the distribution of income in the U.S. is becoming increasingly skewed toward high-income households. In “Myths and Causes of Income Inequality“, James D. Agresti demonstrates that the real causes of this phenomenon are demographic. The splintering of families at low income levels has increased the number of low-income households and reduced average incomes among those households. At the level of individual earners, there is no discernible trend in income inequality. According to Agresti:

… the rise of household income inequality stems from family disintegration driven by changing attitudes toward sex, marital fidelity, and familial responsibility.

Agresti stops short of drawing a link between anti-poverty policies and the disintegration of the family, though there are reasons to suspect pernicious connections along those lines.

It is easy to exaggerate the extent and severity of poverty in the U.S.; doing so is of obvious value in promoting the leftist agenda. In reality, the poor in this country are provided with a standard of living through public assistance that is high relative to their counterparts across the globe, and it is similar to other advanced economies. In addition, when changes in the structure of households are neutralized, there has been no upward trend in income inequality, contrary to assertions from the left. Our long-term objective should be to lift able recipients out of dependency, consistent with President Johnson’s original goals for the War on Poverty. That will require major reforms to our anti-poverty efforts, public education and many other aspects of public policy. Most poor families in the U.S. receive support that is enviable to the poor elsewhere. Nevertheless, their plight of dependency has dispiriting and self-reinforcing effects.

Government “Planning” A High-Density Housing Crash

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work.5868804.1.flat,550x550,075,f.high-density-living

How will the next housing bust play out? Joel Kotkin believes that it will be an unavoidable consequence of “high-density” policies imposed by central planners. That is Kotkin’s major theme in “China’s Planned City Bubble Is About To Pop—And Even You’ll Feel It“, an essay in New Geography.

Central planning generally achieves undesirable results because it is incapable of solving the “knowledge problem”. That is, planners lack the detailed and dynamic information needed to align production with preferences. Freely-operating markets do not face this problem because voluntary trade between individuals establishes prices that balance preferences with resource availability. There are severe frictions in the case of housing that slow the process, but it is almost as if central planners willfully ignore strong signals about preferences, instead promoting measures such as “containment policies” and “regionalism” that restrict choice and inflate home prices. Of course, the technocratic elite think they know what’s good for you!

Kotkin begins by drawing a contrast between policies that led to the last housing crisis and the short-sighted policies now in place that could lead to another:

If the last real estate collapse was created due to insanely easy lending policies aimed at the middle and working classes, the current one has its roots largely in a regime of cheap money married to policies of planners who believe that they can shape the urban future from above.

The list of bad government policies precipitating the last housing bust is long, and I have discussed them before here on Sacred Cow Chips. They included federal encouragement of loose lending standards, a strong bias favoring mortgage assets embedded in bank capital standards, the implicit federal guarantee of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac against losses, the mortgage-interest income tax deduction, and an easy-money policy by the Federal Reserve. These all represent market distortions that led to a malinvestment of excess housing. Several of those policies are still in place, and today the presumption of “too-big-too-fail” financial guarantees by the federal government is as strong as ever, so risk is not adequately managed.

But the tale of today’s housing market woes told by Kotkin really begins in China, where the government has been on a high-density housing binge for a number of years:

As a highpoint in social engineering, a whole new dense city (Kangbashi) has been constructed by the Ordos, Inner Mongolia city government, in the middle of nowhere, growing, but still apparently mainly vacant. … The key here is not so much planning, per se, but planning in a manner that ignores the aspirations of people. Americans no more want to live stacked in boxes in the middle of nowhere than do their Chinese counterparts.

Kotkin is too generous to central planning, and he is sloppy about the distinction between public and private planning efforts: while China’s current real estate difficulties may be a case of extreme negligence, central government planning always has and always will suffer from a mismatch between preferences and supplies that is strongly resistant to self-correction. Ultimately, resources are wasted. In any case, China’s easy monetary policy and efforts to “densify” led to an inflation of urban housing prices. The situation is unsustainable and the market is now extremely weak.

Can the U.S. “catch China’s cold”, as Kotkin suggests? That’s likely for several reasons. First, as noted by Kotkin, the Chinese government’s efforts to stabilize domestic asset prices and maintain economic growth have led to restrictions on foreign investment, which will undercut asset values in the U.S. (and even more in Australia). More importantly, governments in the U.S. have caught an extreme case of the “planning bug” with the same bias in favor of high density as the Chinese central planners:

… increasingly, particularly during the Obama years, state planning agencies, notably in California, and the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) have embraced a largely anti-suburban, pro-density agenda.

Kotkin cites evidence of a strong preference among U.S. households for detached housing, but government authorities prefer to dictate their own vision of residential life:

… like Soviet planners and their Chinese counterparts, our political elite and the planning apparat seem to care little about preferences, and have sought to limit single-family homes through regulations. This is most evident in California, notably its coastal areas, where house prices and rents have risen to hitherto stratospheric levels.

The losers here include younger middle and working class families. Given the regulatory cost, developers have a strong incentive to build homes predominately for the affluent; the era of the Levittown-style ‘starter home’, which would particularly benefit younger families, is all but defunct. Spurred by the current, highly unequal recovery, these patterns can be seen elsewhere, with a sharp drop in middle income housing affordability while the market shifts towards luxury houses.

In an interesting aside, Kotkin emphasizes that high-density housing is often more expensive to construct than single-family homes, so it does not advance the cause of affordability, as is often claimed.

The close of Kotkin’s essay summarizes misguided policies now in place and the ominous conditions they have created in some of the nation’s most expensive housing markets:

Today’s emerging potential bubble is driven in large part by low interest rates and a new post—TARP financial structure, anchored by ultra-low interest rates, which favor wealthy investors…. This, plus planning policies, has accelerated a boom in multi-family construction, much of it directed at high-end consumers. In New York and London, wealthy foreigners as well as the indigenous rich have invested heavily in high-rise apartments, many of which remain empty for much of the year. In San Francisco, for example, roughly half of all new condos are owned by non-residents, including both Chinese investors and Silicon Valley executives. … Since the vast majority of people cannot afford to buy these apartments, even if they want them, this kind of construction does little to address the country’s housing shortage.

Housing policy has long been dominated by subsidies that encourage over-investment in housing. At the same time, restrictions increasingly limit the development of detached homes, which is what most people prefer. Local control over decisions about housing development is being compromised by intrusive federal policies of “regionalism” that demand more high-density housing in costly areas. These policies are unlikely to benefit low- and middle-income households, who are increasingly unable to afford the high cost of quality urban housing as either renters or buyers. Either prices must adjust downward, as Kotkin suggests, or more subsidies will be required to keep the bubble inflated. Like China, we will be unable to stave off a correction indefinitely.