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Immigration and Merit As Fiscal Propositions

10 Wednesday Dec 2025

Posted by Nuetzel in Fiscal Impact, Immigration

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Assimilation, Birthright Citizenship, Criminal Records, Daniel Di Martino, Denmark Immigration, Deportation, entitlements, Fiscal Contribution, Garret Jones, Illegal Aliens, Immigration, Improper Entry, Jesús Fernández-Villaverde, Manhattan Institute, Merit-Based Immigration, National Academy of Sciences, Remigration, Robby Soave, Security Risks, Welfare State

Immigration into the U.S. can be a powerful force for economic growth. This takes on special importance given low fertility rates in the U.S. and the effective insolvency of our entitlement systems (with dim prospects for reform). But whether a given flow of immigrants will mitigate the negative growth and fiscal effects of unfavorable demographic trends is a conclusion requiring some qualification.

This certainly isn’t a case of “the more, the merrier”. Sharp tradeoffs bear on whether and how immigration can be a part of the solution to our demographic and fiscal woes.

Fiscal Contribution

University of Pennsylvania economist Jesús Fernández-Villaverde asserts that a high volume of immigrants will not solve our fiscal challenges. His reasoning is straightforward: immigrants are concentrated in the lower part of the income distribution, and therefore relatively few provide a surplus contribution to the nation’s fiscal balance. In fact, our large fiscal imbalance is driven by the country’s generous welfare state. With near-open borders, it serves as a magnet for low-income migrants. Thus, a broadly lenient immigration policy will not solve fiscal issues caused by low birth rates. However, Fernandez-Villaverde offers no direct empirical evidence except to say that data from some European countries support his claim.

Daniel Di Martino of the Manhattan Institute recently published a detailed analysis of the fiscal effects of immigration, including the fiscal contributions of both immigrants and two subsequent generations of offspring. He provided an excellent summary in a later tweet:

“… when it comes to immigration, the main question isn’t how many immigrants but which immigrants.”

In particular, highly-educated immigrants engender a surplus fiscal contribution. All else equal, so do immigrants less than 40 years of age. Low-skill immigrants are likely to produce a fiscal deficit, however. Legal immigrants tend to have a positive fiscal effect, while illegal immigrants tend to add to deficits.

This 2017 report from the National Academies of Sciences found similarly mixed results on the fiscal impact of immigrants. Education and age were again important determinants.

Country of Origin

Garret Jones argues that place of origin is a vital indicator of fiscal contribution. Here is a chart he posted at the link (from The Economist):

The chart pertains to immigration into Denmark, so like Jesús Fernández-Villaverde, we’re relying on European data. However, I suspect this generalizes to most other western countries. Of course, the plots above represent averages; individuals from any of the categories shown in the chart might differ substantially. Nevertheless, the average non-western immigrant into Denmark makes a weak or negative fiscal contribution relative to immigrants of western origin. The contrast is especially sharp for immigrants from the category that includes the Middle East, North Africa, Pakistan, and Turkey.

There are a variety of explanations for these disparate results. Westerners emigrating to Denmark probably have a strong advantage in terms of common languages and communication. Average skill levels are probably higher for westerners as well. Cultural differences almost surely make assimilation into society and the workplace more difficult for non-westerners.

A strict ban or quota on immigration from certain countries is probably unwise, however. Given our growth and fiscal objectives, we should seek to attract talented individuals from all over, and humanitarian imperatives suggest acceptance of legitimate refugees from political, religious, racial, or ethnic persecution. That might well mean a greater annual number of legal immigrants into the U.S. But if the question is whether it’s fiscally sound to encourage broad inflows of non-western immigrants, the answer is mostly no.

Vetting

It should go without saying that all potential immigrants must be vetted, and the intensity of the process could be made a function of an individual’s place of origin. Military-age males from hostile countries should receive particular scrutiny so that we can mitigate risks like those described here.

It’s reasonable to demand that those entering the country meet some subset of possible qualifications, some of which might override other criteria. For example, highly productive workers make wonderful immigrants, contribute to economic growth, make a greater fiscal contribution, and are more likely to assimilate successfully. Those are key rationales for a merit-based immigration system. But an overriding consideration might apply to individuals or families fleeing their homeland due to persecution, who have legitimate claims to refugee status regardless of economic potential. It’s also reasonable to extend favorable treatment to individuals having close family members already in the U.S., barring any red flags.

A related concern is birthright citizenship, which is a constitutional right. As long as immigrants clear reasonable hurdles for legal entry, birthright citizenship should stand going forward. The Supreme Court is likely to rule against the Trump Administration’s challenge to birthright citizenship, and it should, though the vast number of illegals who entered the U.S. under Biden certainly creates a birthright burden for U.S. taxpayers. It also sometimes complicates efforts to deport individuals who never should have been allowed to enter.

Merit

Rigid immigration quotas don’t make economic sense. It’s desirable to allow flexibility as labor market conditions evolve. Those capable of work might be ranked by education or skill, and in turn assigned priority based on the strength of domestic opportunities in their areas of experience or expertise. This can accommodate unskilled workers when they are in heavy demand. But merit and labor-market pressures aside, please don’t adopt preferences like the last two sentences shown here (from the White House’s latest national security strategy document).

Legal immigration should not be handled as a residual. Employers will often find that an immigrant is more qualified for a certain job. They should be free to hire that individual assuming the immigrant is vetted. As Robby Soave notes at the tweet linked above, the White House position is economically equivalent to hiring on the basis of DEI preferences.

Needless to say, almost any formula or decision tree can be manipulated unless it is spelled out in detail by law. However, that too might subvert economic and fiscal objectives by imparting too much rigidity to the system.

Crimes and Misdemeanors

Notwithstanding protestations from many economists I admire, who make endless assertions that illegal immigrants have lower crime rates than the domestic population, those arguments are beside the point. There seems little justification for allowing anyone having a record of serious crime to enter the country. It is hard to imagine many circumstances under which exceptions should be considered. Yet we have managed to allow large numbers of proven criminals to enter the U.S. (similar numbers reported here). It goes without saying that we cannot properly vet potential immigrants unless they go through the proper legal process for entering the country. For example, this is what happened in Europe as countries allowed unchecked inflows of migrants (and continue to do so).

Illegal immigrants are obviously in violation of immigration laws, which cannot simply be rewarded. Rather than the traditional fines or jail time for improper entry, so-called “remigration” is an increasingly popular solution. Voluntary deportation is one possibility; should the immigrant refuse, there must be a greater price to pay for the violation of law. Involuntary deportation is more controversial but might be warranted if the alternative is state dependency. Other possibilities include private sponsorship with a price tag high enough to pay what would otherwise become an obligation imposed on taxpayers. Factors that could weigh in favor of an illegal immigrant would be employability, a commitment to learn the English language, and a course of study toward meeting the requirements for citizenship.

Summary

An open borders policy is idealized by some libertarians, but it has severe drawbacks. Among those are potential compromises in national security and a blind eye to the ingress of dangerous criminals. Furthermore, many potential immigrants contribute to fiscal deficits due to their reliance on the welfare state and the generous entitlements available to many U.S. residents. A well-designed immigration system would screen for merit across a number of dimensions, with responsiveness to labor market conditions.

Choosing DOGE Over a Prodigal State Apparatus

03 Thursday Apr 2025

Posted by Nuetzel in Big Government, DOGE

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Al Gore, Barack Obama, Bernie Sanders, Bill Clinton, Border Security, Chuck Schumer, DEI, Department of Education, Department of Government Efficiency, Department of Interior, Discretionary Budget, DOGE, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, entitlements, FDA, Force Reductions, Fourth Branch, Fraud, Graft, HHS, Indirect Costs, Jimmy Carter, Joe Biden, Mandatory Budget, Medicaid, Medicare, Nancy Pelosi, NIH Grants, Obamacare, Provisional Employees, Public debt, Severance Packages, Social Security, U.S. Digital Service, U.S. Postal Service, USAID, Voluntary Separations, Waste

I prefer a government that is limited in size and scope, sticking closely to the provision of public goods without interfering in private markets. Therefore, I’m delighted with the mission of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), a rebranded version of the U.S. Digital Service created by Barack Obama in 2014 to clean up technical issues then plaguing the Obamacare web site. The “new” DOGE is fanning out across federal agencies to upgrade systems and eliminate waste and fraud.

A Strawman

For years, democrats such as Barack Obama and Joe Biden have advocated for eliminating waste in government. So did Bill Clinton, Al Gore, Bernie Sanders, Chuck Schumer, and Nancy Pelosi. Here’s Mark Cuban on the same point. Were these exhortations made in earnest? Or were they just lip service? Now that a real effort is underway to get it done, we’re told that only fascists would do such a thing.

I’m seeing scary posts about DOGE even on LinkedIn, such as the plight of Americans unable to get federal public health communications due to layoffs at HHS, while failing to mention the thousands of new HHS employees hired by Biden in recent years. As if HHS was particularly effective in dispensing good public health advice during the pandemic!

Those kinds of assertions are hard to take seriously. For reasons like these and still others, I tend to dismiss nearly all of the horror stories I hear about DOGE’s activities as nitwitted virtue signals or propaganda.

Many on the left claim that DOGE’s work is careless, and especially the force reductions they’ve spearheaded. For example, they claim that DOGE has failed to identify key employees critical to the functioning of the bureaucracy. The tone of this argument is that “this would not pass muster at a well-managed business”. A “sober” effort to achieve efficiencies within the federal bureaucracy, the argument goes, would involve much more consideration. In other words, given political realities, it would not get done, and they really don’t want it to get done.

The best rationale for the ostensible position of these critics might be situations like the dismissal of several thousand provisional employees at the FDA, a few of whom were later rehired to help manage the work load of reviewing and approving drugs. However, thus far, only a tiny percentage of the federal force reductions under consideration have involved immediate layoffs.

Of course, DOGE is not being tasked to review the practices of a well-managed business or a well-managed governmental organization. What we have here is a dysfunctional government. It is a bloated, low productivity Leviathan run by management and staff who, all too frequently, seem oblivious to the predicament. Large force reductions at all levels are probably necessary to make headway against entrenched interests that have operated as a fourth branch of government.

Thus, I see the leftist critique of Trump’s force reductions as something of a strawman, and it falls flat for several other reasons. First, the vast bulk of the prospective reduction in headcount will be voluntary, as the separating employees have been offered attractive severance packages. Second, force reductions in the private sector always feel chaotic, and they often are. And they are sometimes executed without regard to the qualifications of specific employees. Tough luck!

Duplicative functions, poor data systems, and a lack of control have led to massive misappropriations of funds. The dysfunction has been enabled by a metastasization of nests of administrative authority inside agencies with “incomprehensible” org charts, often having multiple departments with identical functions that do not communicate. These departments frequently use redundant but unconnected systems. A related problem is the inadequacy of documentation for outgoing payments. Needless to say, this is a hostile environment for effective spending controls.

It’s worth emphasizing, by the way, DOGE’s “open book” transparency. It’s not as if Elon Musk and DOGE are attempting to sabotage the deep state in the dark of night. Indeed, they are shouting from the rooftops!

Doing It Fast

Every day we have a new revelation from DOGE of incredible waste in the federal bureaucracy. Check out this story about a VA contact for web site maintenance. All too ironically, what we call government waste tends to have powerful, self-interested, and deeply corrupt constituencies. This makes speed an imperative for DOGE. In a highly politicized and litigious environment, the extent to which the Leviathan can be brought to heel is partly a function of how quickly the deconstruction takes place. One must pardon a few temporary dislocations that otherwise might be avoided in a world free of rent seeking behavior. Otherwise, the graft (no, NOT “grift”) will continue unabated.

The foregoing offers sufficient rationale not only for speedy force reductions, but also for system upgrades, dissolution of certain offices, and consolidation of core functions under single-agency umbrellas.

The Bloody Budget

It’s difficult to know when budget legislation will begin to reflect DOGE’s successes. The actual budget deficit might be affected in fiscal year 2025, but so far the savings touted by DOGE are chump change compared to the expected $2 trillion deficit, and only a fraction of those savings contribute to ongoing deficit reduction.

Uncontrolled spending is the root cause of the deficit, as opposed to insufficient tax revenue, as evidenced by a relatively stable ratio of taxes to GDP. The spending problem was exacerbated by the pandemic, but Congress and the Biden Administration never managed to scale outlays back to their previous trend once the economy recovered. Balancing the budget is made impossible when the prevailing psychology among legislators and the media is that reductions in the growth of spending represent spending cuts.

Federal spending is excessive on both the discretionary and mandatory sides of the budget. Ultimately, eliminating the budget deficit without allowing the 2017 Trump tax cuts to expire will require reform to mandatory entitlements like Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid, as well as reductions across an array of discretionary programs.

DOGE’s focus on fraud and waste extends to entitlements. At a minimum, the data and tracking systems in place at HHS and SSA are antiquated, sometimes inaccurate, and are highly susceptible to manipulation and fraud. Systems upgrades are likely to pay for themselves many times over.

But all indications are that it’s much worse than that. Social security numbers were issued to millions of illegal immigrants during the Biden Administration, and those enrollees were cleared for maximum benefits. There were a significant number of illegals enrolled in Medicaid and registered to vote. While some of these immigrants might be employed and contributing to the entitlement system, they should not be employed without legal status. Of course, one can defend these entitlement benefits on purely compassionate grounds, but the availability of benefits has served to attract a massive flow of illegal border crossings. This illustrates both the extent to which the entitlement system has been compromised as well as the breakdown of border security.

On the discretionary side of the budget, DOGE has identified an impressive array programs that were not just wasteful, but by turns ridiculous or politically motivated (for example, the bulk of USAID’s budget). Many of these funding initiatives belong on the chopping block, and components that might be worthwhile have been moved to agencies with related missions. In addition, authorized but unspent allocations have been identified that seem to have been held in reserve, and which now can be used to reduce the public debt.

Research Grants?

Of course, like the initial scale of the FDA layoffs, a few mistakes have and will be made by DOGE and agencies under DOGE’s guidance. Many believe another powerful argument against DOGE is the Trump Administration’s 15% limit on indirect costs as an add-on to NIH grants. Critics assert that this limit will hamstring U.S. scientific advancement. However, it won’t “kill” publicly funded research. As this article in Reason points out, historically public funding has not been critical to scientific advancement in the U.S. In fact, private funding accounts for the vast bulk of U.S. R&D, according to the Congressional Research Service. Moreover, it’s broadly acknowledged that indirect costs are subject to distortion, and that generous funding of those costs creates bad incentives and raises thorny questions about cross-subsidies across funders (15% is the rate at which charities typically fund indirect costs).

No doubt some elite research universities will suffer declines in grants, but their case is weakened politically by a combination of lax control over anti-Semitic protests on campus, the growing unpopularity of DEI initiatives in education, and public awareness of the huge endowments over which these universities preside. Nevertheless, I won’t be surprised to see the 15% limit on indirect research costs revised upward somewhat.

More DOGE Please

I’ve criticized the numbers posted on DOGE’s website elsewhere. They could do a much better job of categorizing and reporting the savings they’ve achieved, and they have far to go before meeting the goals stated by Elon Musk. Be that as it may, DOGE is making progress. Here is a report on a few of the latest cuts.

As I’ve emphasized on numerous occasions, the federal government is a strangling mass of tentacles, squeezing excessive resources out of the private sector and suffocating producers with an endless catalogue of burdensome rules. There are many examples of systemic waste taking place within the federal bureaucracy. For example, since its creation by Jimmy Carter, the Department of Education has managed to piss away trillions of dollars while student performance has declined. The Small Business Administration has doled out millions of dollars in subsidized loans to super-centenarians as well as children. The U.S. Postal Service keeps losing money and mail while deliveries slow to a crawl. Big projects become mired in endless iterations of reviews and revisions, such as Obama’s infrastructure plan and Joe Biden’s infrastructure and rural broadband initiative.

And again, regulatory agencies are often our worst enemies, imposing burdensome requirements with which only the largest industry players can afford to comply. Indeed, the savings achieved through the DOGE process might pale in comparison to the resources that could be liberated by rationalizing the tangle of regulations now choking private business.

A significant narrowing of the budget deficit would be a major accomplishment for DOGE. Even one-time savings to help pay down the public debt are worthwhile. In this latter regard, I hope DOGE’s work with the Department of Interior helps facilitate the sale of dormant federal assets. This includes land (not parks) and buildings worth literally trillions of dollars, and sometimes costing billions annually to maintain.

Big Spending, Explosive Debt, and the Inflation Tax

07 Tuesday May 2024

Posted by Nuetzel in Deficits, Fiscal policy, Inflation

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American Rescue Plan, CBO, Child Tax Credit, CHIPS Act, Debt to GDP, Discretionary Spending, Donald Trump, Emergency Spending, entitlements, Eric Boehm, Inflation Premium, Inflation tax, Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, Joe Biden, John Cochrane, Medicare, OMB, Promise to Address Comprehensive Toxics Act, Social Security, Soft Default, Student Loan Forgiveness, Supreme Court, Treasury Debt

The chart above makes a convincing case that we have a spending problem at the federal level. Really, we’ve had a spending problem for a long time. But at least tax revenue today remains reasonably well-aligned with its 50-year historical average as a share of GDP. Not spending. Even larger deficits opened up during the pandemic and they haven’t returned to pre-pandemic levels.

We’ve seen Joe Biden break spending records. His initiatives, often with questionable merit, have included the $1.8 trillion American Rescue Plan and the nearly $0.8 trillion Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, along with several other significant spending initiatives such as the Promise to Address Comprehensive Toxics Act and the subsidy-laden CHIPS Act. Meanwhile, emergency spending has become a regular occurrence on Biden’s watch. More recently, he’s made repeated efforts to forgive massive amounts of student loans despite the Supreme Court’s clear ruling that such gifts are unconstitutional.

Indeed, while Biden keeps pretty busy spinning tales of his days driving an 18-wheeler, cannibals devouring his Uncle Bosie Finnegan, his upbringing in black churches, synagogues, or in the Puerto Rican community, he still finds time to dream up ways for the government to spend money it doesn’t have. Or his kindly puppeteers do.

Biden’s New Budget

Eric Boehm expressed wonderment at Biden’s fiscal 2025 budget not long after its release in March. He was also mystified by the gall it took to produce a “fact sheet” in which the White House congratulated itself on fiscal responsibility. That’s how this Administration characterizes deficits projected at $16 trillion over the next ten years. No joke!

Furthermore, the Administration says the record spending will be “paid for”. Well, yes, with tax increases and lots of borrowing! There are a great many fabulist claims made by the White House about the budget. This link from the Office of Management and Budget includes a handy list of propaganda sheets they’ve managed to produce on the virtues of their proposal.

The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) projects ten-year deficits under current law that are $3 trillion higher than Biden’s proposed budget. That’s the basis of the White House’s boast of fiscal restraint. But the difference is basically paid for with a couple of accounting tricks (see below). More charitably, one could say it’s paid for with higher taxes, aided by the assumption of slightly faster economic growth. The latter will be a good trick while undercutting incentives and wages with a big boost to the corporate tax rate.

The revenue projected by the While House from those taxes does not come anywhere close to eliminating the gap shown in the CBO’s chart above. Federal spending under Biden’s budget grows at about 4% annually, just a bit slower than nominal GDP. Thus, the federal share of GDP remains roughly constant and only slightly higher than the CBO’s current projection for 2034. Nevertheless, spending relative to GDP would continue at an historically high rate. Over the next decade, it would average more than 3% higher than its 50-year average. That would be about $1.3 trillion in 2034!

Meanwhile, the ratio of tax revenue to GDP under Biden’s proposal, as they project it, would average slightly higher than its 50-year average, reaching a full percentage point above by 2034 (and higher than the CBO baseline). That’s probably optimistic.

There is little real effort in this budget to reduce federal deficits, with Treasury borrowing rates now near 15-year highs. Interest expense has grown to an alarming share of spending. In fact, it’s expected to exceed spending on defense in 2024! Perhaps not coincidentally, the White House assumes a greater decline in interest rates than CBO over the next 10 years.

Treats or Tricks?

The situation is likely worse than the White House depicts, given that its budget incorporates assumptions that look generous to their claim of fiscal restraint. First, they frontload nondefense discretionary spending, allowing Biden to make extravagant promises for the near-term while pushing off steep declines in budget commitments to the out-years. The sharp reductions in this category of spending pares more than $2 trillion from the 10-year deficit. From the link above:

Biden also proposes to restore the expanded the child tax credit — for one year! How handy from a budget perspective: heroically call for an expanded credit (for a year) while avoiding, for the time being, the addition of a couple of trillion to the 10-year deficit.

Code Red

So where does this end? The ratio of federal debt to GDP will resume its ascent after a slight decline from the pandemic high. Here is the CBO’s projection:

The Biden budget shows a relatively stable debt to GDP ratio through 2034 due to the assumptions of slightly faster GDP growth, lower Treasury borrowing rates, and the aforementioned “fiscal restraint”. But don’t count on it!

The government’s growing dominance over real resources will have negative consequences for growth in the long-term. Purely as a fiscal matter, however, it must be paid for in one of three ways: revenue from explicit taxes, federal borrowing, or an implicit tax on the public more commonly known as the inflation tax. The last two are intimately related.

Bond investors always face at least a small measure of default risk even when lending to the U.S. Treasury. There is almost no chance the government would ever default outright by failing to pay interest or principal when due. However, investors hold an expectation that the value of their bonds will erode in real terms due to inflation. To compensate, they demand an “inflation premium” in the interest rate they earn on Treasury bonds. But an upside surprise to inflation would constitute a “soft default” on the real value of their bonds. This occurred during and after the pandemic, and it was triggered by a burgeoning federal deficit.

Brief Mechanics

John Cochrane has explained the mechanism by which acts of fiscal profligacy can be transmitted to the price of goods. The real value of outstanding federal debt cannot exceed the expected real value of future surpluses (a present value summed across positive and negative surpluses). If expected surpluses are reduced via some emergency or shock such that repayment in real terms is less likely, then the real value of government debt must fall. That means either interest rates or the price level must rise, or some combination of the two.

The Federal Reserve can prevent interest rates from rising (by purchasing bonds and increasing the money supply), but that leaves a higher price level as the only way the real value of debt can come into line. In other words, an unexpected increase in the path of federal deficits would be financed by money printing and an inflation tax. The incidence of this unexpected “implicit” tax falls not only to bondholders, but also on the public at large, who suffer an unexpected decline in the purchasing power of their nominal assets and incomes. This in turn tends to free-up real resources for government absorption.

Government Debt Is Risky

It appears that investors expect the future deficits now projected by the CBO (and the White House) to be paid down someday, to some extent, by future surpluses. That might seem preposterous, but markets apparently aren’t surprised by the projected deficits. After all, fiscal policy decisions can change tremendously over the course of a few years. But it still feels like excessive optimism. Whatever the case, Cochrane cautions that the next fiscal emergency, be it a new pandemic, a war, a recession, or some other crisis, is likely to create another huge expansion in debt and a substantial increase price level. Joe Biden doesn’t seem inclined to put us in a position to deal with that risk very effectively. Unfortunately, it’s not clear that Donald Trump will either. And neither seems inclined to seriously address the insolvencies of Social Security and Medicare. If unaddressed, those mandatory obligations will become real crises over the next decade.

Social Insurance, Trust Fund Runoff, and Federal Debt

28 Thursday Apr 2022

Posted by Nuetzel in Deficits, Social Security

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Anti-Deficiency Act, Charles Blahous, Deficits, DI, Disability Income, Discretionary Budget, entitlements, Federal Reserve, Fiscal Inflation, Fiscal Tiger, Hospitalization Insurance, Joe Biden, Mandatory Spending, Medicaid, Medicare Part A, Medicare Part B, Medicare Part D, Medicare Reform, Medicare Trust Fund, Monetization, OASI, Old Age and Survivorship Income, Pay-As-You-Go, payroll taxes, SMI, Social Security Reform, Social Security Trust Fund, Student Loan Forgiveness, Supplementary Medical Insurance

The Social Security and Medicare trust funds are starting to shrink, but as they shrink something else expands in tandem, roughly dollar-for-dollar: government debt. There is a widespread misconceptions about these entitlement programs and their trust funds. Many seem to think the trust funds are like “pots of gold” that will allow the government to meet its mandatory obligations to beneficiaries. But, in fact, the government will have to borrow the exact amounts of any “assets” that are “cashed out” of the trust funds, barring other reforms or legislative solutions. So how does that work? And why did I put the words “assets” and “cashed out” in quote marks?

The Trust Funds

First, I should note that there are two Social Security trust funds: one for old age and survivorship income (OASI) and one for disability income (DI). Occasionally, for summary purposes, the accounts for these funds are combined in presentations. There are also two Medicare trust funds: one for hospitalization insurance (HI – Part A) and one for Supplementary Medical Insurance (SMI – Parts B and D). The first three of these trust funds are represented in the chart at the top of this post, which is from the Summary of the 2021 Annual Reports by the Boards of Trustees. It plots a measure of financial adequacy: the ratio of trust fund assets at the start of each year to the annual cost. The funds are all projected to be depleted, HI and OASI much sooner than DI.

Fund Accumulation

The first step in understanding the trust funds requires a clearing up of another misconception: the payroll taxes that workers “contribute” to these systems are not invested specifically for each of those workers. These programs are strictly “pay-as-you-go”, meaning that the payroll taxes (and premiums in the case of Medicare) paid this year by you and/or your employer are generally distributed directly to current beneficiaries.

Back when demographics of the American population were more favorable for these programs, with a larger number of workers relative to retirees, payroll taxes (and premiums) exceeded benefits. The excess was essentially loaned by these programs to the U.S. Treasury to cover other forms of spending. So the trust funds accumulated U.S. Treasury IOUs for many years, and the Treasury pays interest to the trust funds on that debt. On the upside, that meant the Treasury had to borrow less from the public to cover its deficits during those years. So the government spent the excess payroll tax proceeds and wrote IOUs to the trust funds.

Draining the Funds

The demographic profile of the population is no longer favorable to these entitlement programs. The number of retirees has increased so that benefit levels have grown more quickly than program revenue. Benefits now exceed the payroll taxes and premiums collected, so the trust funds must be drawn down. Current estimates are that the Social Security Trust Fund will be depleted in 2034, while the Medicare Trust Fund will last only to 2026. These dates are reflected in the chart above. It is the mechanics of these draw-downs that get to the heart of the first “pot of gold” misconception cited above.

To pay for the excess of benefits over revenue collected, the trust funds must cash-in the IOUs issued to them by the Treasury. And where does the Treasury get the cash? It will almost certainly be borrowed from the public, but the government could hike other forms of taxes or reduce other forms of spending. So, while the earlier accumulation of trust fund assets meant less federal borrowing, the divestment of those assets generally means more federal borrowing and growth in federal debt held by the public.

Given these facts, can you spot the misconception in this quote from Fiscal Tiger? It’s easy to miss:

“In the cases of Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid, payroll taxes provide some revenue. Social Security also has trust funds that cover some of the program costs. However, when the government is short on funds for these programs after getting the revenue from taxes and trust funds, it must borrow money, which contributes to the deficit.”

This kind of statement is all too common. The fact is the government has to borrow in order to pay off the IOUs as the trust funds are drawn down, roughly dollar-for-dollar.

A second mistake in the quote above is that federal borrowing to pay excess benefits after the trust funds are fully depleted is not really assured. At that time, the Anti-deficiency Act prohibits further payments of benefits in excess of payroll taxes (and premiums), and there is no authority allowing the trust funds to borrow from the general fund of the Treasury. Either benefits must be reduced, payroll taxes increased, premiums hiked (for Medicare), or more radical reforms will be necessary, any of which would require congressional action. In the case of Social Security (combining OASI and DI), the projected growth of “excess benefits” is such that the future, cumulative shortfall represents 25% of projected benefits!

Again, the mandatory entitlement spending programs are technically insolvent. Charles Blahous discusses the implications of closing the funding gap, both in terms of payroll tax increases or benefit cuts, either of which will be extremely unpopular:

“How likely is it that lawmakers would immediately cut benefits by 25% for everyone, rich and poor, retiring next year and beyond? More likely, lawmakers would phase in reforms gradually, necessitating much larger eventual benefit changes for those affected—perhaps 30% or 40%. And if we want to spare lower-income individuals from reductions, they’d need to be still greater for everyone else.”

It should be noted that Medicaid is also a budget drain, though the cost is shared with state governments.

Discretionary vs. Mandatory Budgets

When it comes to federal budget controversies, discretionary budget proposals receive most of the focus. The federal deficit reached unprecedented levels in 2020 and 2021 as pandemic support measures led to huge increases in spending. Even this year (2022), the projected deficit exceeds the 2019 level by over $160 billion. Joe Biden would like to spend much more, of course, though the loss of proceeds from his student loan forgiveness giveaway does not even appear in the Administration’s budget proposal. Biden proposes to pay for the spending with a corporate tax hike and a minimum tax on very high earners, including an unprecedented tax on unrealized capital gains. Those measures would be disappointing in terms of revenue collection, and they are probably worse for the economy and society than bigger deficits. None of that is likely to pass Congress, but we’ll still be running huge deficits indefinitely..

In a further complication, at this point no one really believes that the federal government will ever pay off the mounting public debt. More likely is that the Federal Reserve will make further waves of monetization, buying government bonds in exchange for monetary assets. (Of course, money is also government debt.) The conviction that ever increasing debt levels are permanent is what leads to fiscal inflation, which taxes the public by devaluing the public debt, including (or especially) monetary assets. The insolvency of the trust funds is contributing to this process and its impact is growing..

Again, the budget discussions we typically hear involve discretionary components of the federal budget. Mandatory outlays like Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid are nearly three times larger. Here is a good primer on the mandatory spending components of the federal budget (which includes interest costs). Blahous notes elsewhere that the funding shortfall in these programs will ultimately dwarf discretionary sources of budgetary imbalance. The deficit will come to be dominated by the borrowing required to fund mandatory programs, along with the burgeoning cost of interest payments on the public debt, which could reach nearly 50% of federal revenues by 2050.

Conclusion

It would be less painful to address these funding shortfalls in mandatory programs immediately than to continue to ignore them. That would enable a more gradual approach to changes in benefits, payroll taxes, and premiums. Politicians would rather not discuss it, however. Any discussion of reforms will be controversial, but it’s only going to get worse over time.

Political incentives being what they are, current workers (future claimants) are likely to bear the brunt of any benefit cuts, rather than retirees already enrolled. Payroll tax hikes are perhaps a harder sell because they are more immediate than trimming benefits for future retirees. Other reforms like self-directed Social Security contributions would create better tradeoffs by allowing investment of contributions at competitive (but more risky) returns. Medicare has premiums as an extra lever, but there are other possible reforms.

Again, the time to act is now, but don’t expect it to happen until the crisis is upon us. By then, our opportunities will have become more hemmed in, and something bad is more likely to be promulgated in the rush to save the day.

Busted Big Government

01 Monday Jun 2015

Posted by Nuetzel in National Debt

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Alan Greenspan, bailouts, Contingent liabilities, Default, Disability Insurance Fund, entitlements, Inflation, Lawrence Lindsey, Medicare, Nicholas Ballasy, Social Security Trust Fund, Taxes

accounting or accountability

Alan Greenspan says we are “way underestimating” the U.S. national debt. His statements on this point make a great follow-up to last night’s post on bailouts. Here are a couple of recent Greeenspan quotes from an article by Nicholas Ballasy:

“Largely because we are not including what I would call contingent liabilities, that is the issue of, which is answered by a question: what is the probability that in today’s environment JP Morgan would be allowed to default? The answer is zero or less.”

Now, that means that whole balance sheet is a contingent liability. Now to be sure, while it’s contingent, there’s no interest payments but ultimately that overhangs the structure because we have committed in so many different ways to guarantee this, that and the other thing. It’s not only Fannie and Freddie but it’s a whole series of financial institutions and, regrettably, it is also non-financial institutions.”

The bailout barometer I mentioned last night is an eye-opener, but it reflects a very incomplete view of the contingent liabilities faced by the government. Ballasy discusses some massive unfunded liabilities associated with programs like Social Security, which has a trust fund that Greenspan calls “meaningless”:

“The Social Security and Medicare Trustees 2014 annual report said while legislation is needed to address all of Social Security’s financial imbalances, ‘the need has become most urgent with respect to the program’s disability insurance component. Lawmakers need to act soon to avoid automatic reductions in payments to DI beneficiaries in late 2016.’”

Lawrence Lindsey, an economic official in the Bush Administration, says the real national debt is closer to 300 percent of GDP when unfunded obligations for Social Security and Medicare are added. The fast-dissipating disability insurance fund was the subject of another post here two days ago. It is a case study in irresponsible governance. Here is Ballasy with another Greenspan quote:

“According to Greenspan, entitlement spending in the U.S. was 4.7 percent of GDP in 1967 compared to more than 14 percent today. ‘Had we kept it at that level, our productivity would be far higher today. The average wage would be very significantly higher, the standard of living would be higher and what we have to do is think about how we are going to shrink that pie back and, to me, that is the single most important problem that confronts this country,’ he said.“

Shrinking the ongoing flow of entitlements is a tall political order. Avoiding the contingencies that would add to existing obligations calls for economic policies that promote stability, rather than boom and bust cycles that follow misguided efforts to stimulate the economy. Still another matter is to deal with the obligations that already exist. Higher taxes, inflation and default do not represent attractive policy options, but our activist government has placed us squarely in that corner.

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