The Employment Situation: Where’s the Recession?

14 Wednesday Dec 2022

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ADP Employment Report, Average Weekly Hours, BLS, Business Confidence, Consumer Confidence, Elise Gould, Employment Situation, Establishment Survey, Federal Reserve, Great Depression, Household Survey, Index of Leading Indicators, Inverted Yield Curve, Jerome Powell, Job Losers, Labor Force Participation, Labor Market, Lagging Indicator, Layoffs, Long and Variable Lags, Nonfarm Payrolls, Real Wages, Soft Landing, Underemployment

It’s always hard to foresee dramatic turns in the economy and their timing. One day, way back in grad school, a professor of mine went on about how the Great Depression seemed to surprise people at the time. He felt they should have known it was coming, and he emphasized that housing had been in a downturn starting around 1926. Well, hindsight’s 20/20, and I’m not sure how timely and accurate economic reporting was at the time, but today it’s not any easier to call recessions in advance.

An Array of Weak Signals

We’ve seen a downturn in housing this year, and for that and several other reasons many forecasters are predicting a recession in 2023. Consumers are depleting their savings and running up debt, and in November consumer confidence dropped for a fourth month in a row. In October, the Index of Leading Economic Indicators declined for an eighth straight month. A slump in business confidence has been underway for 12 months. Businesses are accumulating debt at much higher interest rates, and the earnings outlook (excluding energy) is bleak.

Buttressing that negative outlook is the inverted yield curve, which has been reliable (though not infallible) as a recession signal in the past. We now have a gap between the one-year Treasury yield and the 10-year Treasury yield of well over 100 basis points, which is as high as it’s been since 1981. That looks rather ominous.

The Fed’s Mission

Perhaps most importantly, the Federal Reserve has succeeded in reducing the money supply. That shift to tightening policy really only began in the late spring, however, and as Milton Friedman emphasized, the impact of money supply growth on the real economy is subject to “long and variable lags”. That could mean an economic slowdown or recession any time from now into 2024, but many analysts believe it will begin in the first half of 2023.

Denialists

Yet a few observers claim things are rosy, not least of all those within the Biden Administration. They insist the economy is in fine shape, pointing to the continuing strength in some of the employment numbers. Those gains have also been a preoccupation of the media, but employment statistics aren’t especially good predictors of changes in economic growth. Job growth and unemployment are lagging indicators, so we shouldn’t expect to see obvious signals of recession from employment data, at least until a downturn is underway. Even the Fed’s official economic forecast still calls for something of a “soft landing”, but Chairman Jerome Powell is wary of placing much confidence in particular outcomes, and with good reason.

The Employment Situation

There are unusual patterns in recent employment data that might portend a weaker economy, but first, the statistics most widely followed are changes in non-farm employment (from the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ Survey of Business Establishments) and the unemployment rate (from the BLS Household Survey). The chart below shows monthly changes in nonfarm payrolls over the past year. There was a still-healthy gain in payrolls in November, but the pace of job growth slowed over the last twelve months as we came off the post-pandemic rebound.

One factor partly offsetting recent gains in non-farm employment is a decrease in the average workweek. Average weekly hours declined slightly in November and it was down 0.4 hours from a year earlier.

There are sectors of the economy that have shown recent weakness in payroll jobs. There was a decline in goods-producing employment in November, and layoffs are underway in the tech sector, a first for some of the big tech firms. Job reductions have also been announced at a few prominent financial firms.

The next chart shows that the unemployment rate has remained near post-pandemic lows since early this year. An ongoing factor helping to keep it low, however, is that labor force participation is still running below pre-pandemic levels (despite rebounding well off pandemic lows during 2021). You aren’t counted as unemployed if you don’t participate in the labor force by seeking work.

One negative sign here is an uptick over the past two months in the share of job losers among the unemployed (as opposed to quitters or new entrants). That’s a pattern that would become more pronounced when and if a recession takes hold.

Keep in mind that these statistics are derived from surveys and extrapolated to the universe of households or non-farm employees. The Household Survey samples 60,000 households, whereas the Establishment Survey samples 131,000 employers, accounting for 670,000 employees. So the Household Survey is much smaller. Nevertheless, sample sizes of these magnitudes should be highly reliable, even for most subcategories.

Contradictory BLS Surveys

There are a few other possible signs of a weakening labor market in recent employment data. One such development is a gap between new job numbers from the Establishment Survey (non-farm payrolls) and the Household Survey (total employment). The following table (taken from the December 2nd BLS Report for households) is from a series of tweets by Elise Gould:

Total employment from the Household Survey has actually declined by almost 470,000 the past two months, while non-farm payrolls have increased by a total of over 500,000. Turning points in employment from the Household Survey tend to lead non-farm payrolls, so this could foretell a softening. While the Household Survey is smaller than the Establishment Survey, it is broader in some respects, covering several categories of workers who aren’t counted on non-farm payrolls, including agricultural workers and the self-employed. The latter are a more significant part of the employed population given the rise in the so-called gig economy. Self-employed workers (unincorporated) have declined by more than 170,000 over the past two months. However, it’s not clear that these workers would be affected earlier than others around turning points.

A separate employment report by ADP Research noted a sharp slowdown in private sector hiring in November, with the most weakness in construction and interest rate sensitive industries. The report also noted that fewer workers are leaving jobs voluntarily.

Is the Labor Market Tight Or Loose?

Nominal wages are rising at an accelerating pace, which might make it more difficult for the Fed to rein-in inflation. However, wages are still rising less than prices — as of October, real hourly earnings had declined 1.9% over the past year. November will mark 20 straight months of declines in the real wage. The drop in real weekly earnings is even steeper, given a slight decline in the average workweek. If we’re looking for a silver lining, inflation and declines in real earnings mean that employers have gained additional incentive to hire. Perhaps that can be offered as one reason for persistent strength in the payroll numbers.

There are still more than 10 million job openings across the country, but only 6 million workers are unemployed. Again, many would-be job candidates are sitting things out. (Perhaps they are mostly terrible candidates, given their apparent disinterest in work.) Some observers assume this means that the labor market is extremely tight, yet real wages are declining, as if there were an excess supply of workers! The answer to this “puzzle” is that many vacancies are ultimately filled by candidates who were already employed. Also, there is a large number of underemployed workers. Thus, the available pool of candidates is much larger than the number available due to unemployment. It’s not outlandish to think that there is actually an excess supply of labor at the moment, rather than excess demand, but that doesn’t bode well for real wage gains going forward.

Conclusion

Despite an ostensibly strong labor market, there are reasons to think that strength is waning, even without appeal to other economic and financial indicators. The BLS household survey showed recent declines in employment, as did the ADP survey, and we’ve seen an increase in the share of job losers among the unemployed. High-profile layoff announcements should also give pause. The recessionary outlook is reinforced by a number of other indicators, but most of all, the Federal Reserve’s tightening of the money supply is bound to have a stronger impact on the economy in 2023, and the Fed is not finished tightening yet.

Stagflation and the Supply of Bad Public Policy

20 Wednesday Oct 2021

Posted by Nuetzel in Inflation

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Anthony B. Kim, Breakeven Inflation Rate, Brian Dunn, Consumer Price Index, Core CPI, corporate taxes, Cost-Push Inflation, Dunkin’ Donuts, Energy Policy, Federal Reserve, Jen Psaki, Joe Biden, Labor Force Participation, Mark Theisen, Median CPI, Non-Pharmaceutical interventions, Overton Window, Patrick Tyrell, Semiconductors, Stagflation, Supply Chains, Trimmed CPI, Unemployment By State, Vaccine Mandate, Work Disincentives

Price inflation is getting more attention now than it has in many years, but not everyone is convinced it will persist, most conspicuously bond investors. The Biden Administration’s initial narrative was plausible even if there were seeds of doubt: a price spike was to be expected relative to the low-ebb of price changes during the pandemic. However, the inflation data has come in strong since the spring, and events point to continuing price pressures and the potential for expected inflation to drive escalations in contract pricing. Once embedded like that, the phenomenon broadens and gets harder to squeeze out.

Broadening Price Hikes

The evidence at hand is never enough to take much comfort in predictions, and the uncertainties now are similar to those I discussed in June. At the time, the price moves had been pronounced only in the prior month or so, and there was no evidence of any breadth. Now, it’s at least clear that increases in the so-called “core” Consumer Price Index (CPI), which excludes food and energy prices, have escalated. In addition, the growth in the median component of the CPI basket reported by the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland has begun to jump. So has the “trimmed CPI”, which excludes the most extreme 8% of prices changes in both directions within the index. The chart below shows one-month changes in these gauges:

So the recent upward price trends have expanded in breadth, and their persistence is making it a little harder to argue that the changes are transitory rebounds from pandemic weakness.

Bond Investors Still Nonchalant

Investors are by no means convinced that the recent price pressures will persist. They have an incentive to bid-up bond yields to compensate for expected inflation, so these yields can be used to infer inflation expectations. The chart below from the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis shows the five-year “breakeven” inflation rate, which is derived from inflation-indexed versus unindexed Treasury securities.

The pattern does not suggest that a meaningful change in inflation expectations has taken place. In fact, the implied five-year inflation forecast has edged down a bit. Of course, we’re still worrying about a fairly short period of high month-to-month changes in prices, and five years is a long time in that context.

This “casual” reaction of interest rates to the inflation spike undoubtedly reflects investors’ belief that the Federal Reserve will tighten policy in an effort to contain inflation. Some of us have strong doubts about the Fed’s inflation-fighting resolve, however. There is little the Fed can do to relieve supply-side problems, and many would argue that the Fed should take an accommodative stance in an attempt to minimize output and job losses, but that would reinforce the inflationary effects. There is no easy way out. Risks loom in both directions, and though I might regret it, at recent yields, I’m not buying Treasury bonds.

Sources of Price Pressure

Economists have tended to divide price pressures into those driven by demand and those driven by supply. Sometimes the terms “demand-pull” and “cost-push” inflation are used for shorthand. The former is usually associated with economic growth, where rising prices indicate that demand is outpacing gains in capacity. With cost-push inflation, however, rising prices indicate that production snd supply is somehow impeded. You get higher prices and lower output. This is so-called “stagflation”. Today we seem to have a combination of those inflationary forces in play: demand has rebounded from the pandemic lows of 2020, while breakdowns in the supply chain have choked production, with a consequent need for more severe price rationing. If the latter forces win out, we will have entered a stagflationary episode.

Unfortunately, administration policies are exacerbating supply-side inflationary pressures. Officials first insisted that the jump in inflation measures would be transitory. More recently they’ve said that it really only hurts “the rich”, an assertion that is decidedly false. Biden flaks are doing their level best to put lipstick on a pig. “Peppermint” Psaki says it shows that people just want to buy things! On the other hand, the Washington Post encourages us to “lower our expectations”. Um, yeah… I think we’re there!

Burning Energy Producers and Consumers

Energy policy is an obvious case: while a hurricane moving through the Gulf of Mexico took a big bite out of domestic oil production, Biden took several steps to hamstring the domestic fossil fuel industry at a time when the economy was still recovering from the pandemic. This included revoking permits for the Keystone pipeline, a ban on drilling on federal lands and federally-controlled waters in the Gulf, shutting down production on some private lands on the pretext of enforcing the Endsngered Species Act, and capping methane emissions by oil and gas producers. And all that was apparently just a start.

As Mark Theisen notes, when you promise to destroy a particular industry, as Joe Biden has, by taxing and regulating it to death, who wants to invest in or even maintain production facilities? Some leftists with apparent influence on the administration are threatening penalties against the industry up to and including prosecution for “crimes against humanity”! This is moronic, of course, but perhaps these extremists are just trying to move the Overton Window. Fossil fuels have been and still are a miracle in terms of human well-being, and renewable (but intermittent) energy sources are simply not capable of replacing the lost power, as Germans, Californians, and Texans are learning. Furthermore, the effort to kill fossil fuels amounts to a war on the poor. Americans are facing steep increases in their utility bills and blackouts during the times when power is needed most. Now, Biden is actively trying to wheedle more oil production out of OPEC, as if it’s okay for those nations to extract it, but not for us to do so!

Labor Shortage

Have you heard it’s hard to get help these days? You’ll notice it pretty fast if you have regular occasion to deal with service establishments. Goods are getting scarce on the shelves as well. Food and paper goods are getting pricier. The semiconductor shortage has been prominent, impacting production and pricing of electronics, computers, and new cars, with a big cross-effect on the used car and rental car markets. Everywhere you look, sellers seem short of inventory. This year it might be tough to fill the space under the Christmas tree for lack of availability.

This isn’t just about cargo ships unable to unload at the ports, although that’s significant. Patrick Tyrell and Anthony B. Kim note the difficulty of overcoming the supply chain breakdowns even with 24/7 operations at the ports. Tyrell snd Kim offer this quite from the Financial Times:

“The US is facing a shortage of warehouse space and truck drivers, and shifting to 24/7 operation will require enormous co-ordination between the publicly operated ports and private sector groups, including large retailers and freight companies.”

There are several reasons for the labor shortage: a few workers and businesses might still be living in fear of COVID, especially in “blue” states and urban areas where the fear factor seems to have been more palpable. That’s where the high unemployment is. There has also been an apparent wave of retirements among late baby-boomers who were already on the cusp of hanging up their skates. However, the Biden Administration has instigated a set of ill-advised policies that blunt work incentives, leading to reduced labor force participation: the repeated extensions of pandemic-related unemployment benefits; increased child and dependent care tax benefits; the moratorium on evictions from rental property; the elimination of work requirements for expanded Medicaid coverage; and increased EBT and SNAP benefits. This is not hard to understand: if you pay people to stay home, they will stay home, even as you suffer through an interminable wait for your fast food. But there might not be a wait at Dunkin’ Donuts, because they’ve been running short on donuts due to “supply chain issues”!

Destructive Public Policy

COVID policy contributed to the early plunge in demand in 2020. Economic output declined, and ramping-up production is not always a simple thing. In this case, it was hindered by repeated non-pharmaceutical interventions and confused messaging from public health authorities. These are issues I’ve felt compelled to address too many times on my blog over the past 18 months. The negative economic effects of these policies continue to linger, and it should surprise no one.

The Democrats’ so-called “social infrastructure” bill, which looks mercifully unlikely to pass without major curtailments in scale and scope, would exacerbate many of the problems cited above. As I’ve noted recently, it’s more of an “infra-shackle” bill for the private economy than an infrastructure bill. For $3.5 trillion (an understatement based on budget gimmickry), we get heavy regulation and taxes, particularly on fossil fuels, subsidies for uneconomic technologies, assorted entitlements with no means testing, wage- and job-killing (and inflationary) hikes in corporate taxes, and other tax disincentives to private investment. The bill would represent a huge reallocation from the private to the public sector via coercion and public competition for scarce resources.

As if that wasn’t bad enough, now Biden has issued his legally dubious vaccine mandate, which has been met with outrage among many workers, from Chicago cops and other public servants, health care workers, truckers and workers at such corporate giants as Boeing, Southwest Airlines, and many others. Unions are furious. People are walking out. This represents a negative “supply shock”, an unexpected event that hinders production and boosts prices. Joe Biden looks to be well on his way to earning the title of “The Stagflation President”.

I’ll leave you with this gem from Brian Dunn:

Mobility, Safety Nets & Sticky Webs

23 Thursday Jun 2016

Posted by Nuetzel in Big Government, Welfare State

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Affordable Care Act, Andrei Schleifer, Basic Income Guarantee, Christopher Jencks, Curley Effect, David Henderson, Dependent Class, Don Boudreaux, Earned Income Tax Credit, Edward Glaeser, Employment Incentives, Extreme Poverty, Henry Hazlitt, Kathryn Edin, Labor Force Participation, Luke Shaefer, Marginal Revolution, Medicaid expansion, Michael Tanner, Milton Friedman, Mises Wire, Obamacare, Social Safety Net, Tyler Cowan, Universal Basic Income, Veronique de Rugy, War on Poverty, Welfare State, work incentives

We’re unlikely to reduce the share of the U.S. population living in economic dependency under the current policy regime. So many aspects of tax law, regulation and aid programs are designed as if to perpetuate or perhaps even worsen the situation. I’ve discussed this topic before on Sacred Cow Chips in “Degrees of Poverty and the Social Safety Trap“, and “Minority Politics and the Redistributionist Honey Trap“.

Many supporters of aggressive anti-poverty efforts take umbrage at any suggestion that government aid might discourage the poor from engaging in productive activities. They imagine an implication that the poor are “lazy”, perfidious or otherwise undeserving of assistance. Whether that is a misunderstanding or merely rhetorical bite-back, the fact is that it is rational to respond to incentives and there is no shame in doing so. Unfortunately, many assistance programs contain incentive traps or income “cliffs” that discourage work effort. This applies to food stamps, rent subsidies, Obamacare subsidies, and many more of the 120+ federal aid programs and other state and local programs.

Here’s a new example from a research abstract posted at Marginal Revolution: The Medicaid expansion had very negative effects on labor force participation. The funding for Medicaid expansion at the state level was authorized by the Affordable Care Act (ACA) — aka Obamacare, but only about half the states went along with it. From the abstract:

“I find a significant negative relationship between Medicaid expansion and labor force participation, in which expanding Medicaid is associated with 1.5 to 3 percentage point drop in labor force participation.“

The direction of impact is hardly unique, and as Tyler Cowen notes at the link:

“Work is good for most people, and it is even better for their future selves, and their future children too.“

The negative impact of Obamacare is more massive than the estimate above might suggest. Veronique de Rugy at Reason.com discusses how “Federal Programs Keep People Poor“. While most of her article is about the negative impact of high marginal tax rates on the employment prospects of the poor, she also recalls an ugly CBO estimate of the ACA’s impact:

“In 2014, the Congressional Budget Office—Congress’ official fiscal scorekeeper—revised its original estimate to report that because of the law, by 2024 the equivalent of 2.5 million Americans who were otherwise willing and able to work will have exited the labor force.“

There are several different channels through which the negative effects of the ACA operate: Small employers are incented to limit their hiring and the hours of employees, and federal subsidies (and sometimes state benefits) are available to individuals only so long as they remain below certain income thresholds. Again, this is typical of many government aid programs (the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) being an exception). More from de Rugy:

“When the government takes away a person’s benefits as his income goes up, it has the same effect as a direct tax. And remember, when you tax something, you usually get less of it. That means these programs can actually hinder income mobility: In order to continue receiving their government cash, individuals are forced to limit the amount they earn. Thus, they have an incentive not to try to climb the income ladder by putting in extra hours or signing up for job training and educational programs.“

Mises Wire recently carried a reprint of an essay by the great Henry Hazlitt, “How To Cure Poverty“. The gist of Hazlitt’s argument is that government largess simply cannot create wealth for society, but only diminish it. The mere process of redistributing the current “pie” consumes resources, but that is minor compared to the future reduction in the size of the pie brought on by the terrible incentives inherent in income taxation and many government benefit programs:

“The problem of curing poverty is difficult and two-sided. It is to mitigate the penalties of misfortune and failure without undermining the incentives to effort and success. … The way to cure poverty is … through … the adoption of a system of private property, freer trade, free markets, and free enterprise. It was largely because we adopted this system more fully than any other country that we became the most productive and hence the richest nation on the face of the globe. Through this system more has been done to wipe out poverty in the last two centuries than in all previous history.“

Harvard professors Edward Glaeser and Andrei Schleifer have written about “The Curley Effect: The Economics of Shaping the Electorate“, which posits that redistributive policies that are harmful to constituents can be rewarding to politicians. The paper deals with policies that encourage emigration of affluent voters away from cities, but which nevertheless reward politicians by increasing the proportion of their political base in the remaining constituency. It seems to apply very well to many major cities in the U.S. However, it certainly applies more broadly, across states and nations, when affluent people and their capital are mobile while the less affluent are not, especially when benefits are at stake. It’s no secret that promises of benefits are often attractive to voters in the short run, even if they are harmful and unsustainable in the long run.

The welfare state appears to have helped to sustain many of the poor at an improved standard of living after accounting for benefits, or it has prevented them from falling into “deep poverty”. However, it hasn’t succeeded in lifting the poor out of dependency on the state. Pre-benefit poverty rates are about the same as they were the late 1960s. In addition, Christopher Jencks observes that the “Very Poor” have in fact become poorer. That’s discussed in his review of “$2.00 a Day: Living on Almost Nothing in America” by Kathryn Edin and Luke Shaefer. Jencks presents statistics showing that those in the lowest two percentiles of the income distribution have suffered a fairly sharp decline in income since 1999. Many of these extremely poor individuals do not avail themselves of benefits for which they could qualify. In addition, the EITC requires earned income. A job loss is a wage loss and, if it goes on, a loss of EITC benefits. Unfortunately, work requirements are more difficult to meet in the presence of wage floors and other distortions imposed by heavy-handed regulation.

A guaranteed national income has become a hot topic recently. Michael Tanner weighs in on “The Pros and Cons…” of such a program. There are many things to like about the idea inasmuch as it could sweep away many of the wasteful programs piled upon each other over the years. It is possible to construct a sliding-scale guarantee that would retain positive incentives for all, as Milton Friedman demonstrated years ago with his negative income tax concept. However, as Tanner points out, there are many details to work out, and the benefits of the switch would depend upon the incentive structure built into the guarantee. As a political plaything, it could still be dangerous to the health of the economy and an impediment to income mobility. Don Boudreaux has registered objections to a guaranteed income, one of which is based on strengthening the wrongheaded argument that we derive all rights from government. Even more interesting is David Henderson’s take on a basic income guarantee. He finds that the budgetary impact of a $10,000 guarantee would equate to a 30% increase in government spending, and that assumes that it replaces all other assistance programs! Henderson also discusses the public choice aspects of income guarantees, as well as moral objections, and he concludes that there are strong reasons to reject the idea on libertarian grounds.

The economy is riddled with too many subsidies, penalties and bad incentives that distort the behavior of various groups. The well-to-do often benefit from subsidies that are every bit as distortionary as those inherent in many public assistance programs. They should all be swept away to restore a dynamic economy with the potential to lift even more out of poverty. There could be a role for a guaranteed income on the grounds that it is better than what we’ve got. But we should recall the words of Hazlitt, who reminded us that we’ve come so far on the strength of property rights, private initiative, and free trade. Left unfettered, those things can take us much farther than the ugly pairing of beneficence and coercion of the government behemoth.

Government Supplies a Cliff; Would you Jump?

14 Friday Aug 2015

Posted by Nuetzel in Big Government, Welfare State

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Benefits Cliff, Dan Mitchell, dependency, Earned Income Tax Credit, EITC, Federalism, Fight Club, Illinois Policy Institute, Labor Force Participation, LiberalForum, Marginal tax rate, National Bureau of Economic Research, NBER, Obamacare incentives, Pennsylvania welfare cliff, Tyler Durden, War on Drugs, Welfare Cliff, Welfare State, Work Disincentives, Work Effort, Zero Hedge

People respond to incentives. That does not, in and of itself, make some people “energetic” and others “lazy”. To the contrary, it really means they are responsive and capable of calculating rewards. Critics of the welfare state are sometimes accused of labeling welfare recipients as “lazy”, which is absurd and a cop-out response to serious questions about the size, effectiveness, and even the fairness of means-tested benefits. The structure of welfare benefits in the U.S. often penalizes work effort and market earnings. That being the case, who can blame a recipient for minimizing work effort? From their perspective, that is what society wants them to do. Note that this has nothing to do with the provision of a social safety net for those who are unable to help themselves.

The welfare incentive phenomenon is explored by Zero Hedge under the Fight Club nom de guerre Tyler Durden in “When Work Is Punished: The Ongoing Tragedy Of America’s Welfare State“:

“At issue is the so-called “welfare cliff” beyond which families will literally become poorer the higher their wages, as the drop off in entitlements more than offsets the increase in earnings.“

The cliff looks different in different states and even differs by county. The chart at the top of this post is for Pennsylvania, from the state’s Secretary of Public Welfare, though I saw it on this post from LiberalForum. (Go to the link if the image is not clear). The Zero Hedge post linked above includes a dramatic illustration for Cook County in Illinois. Not many welfare recipients participate in all of the programs shown in the charts, but the point is that many of the programs create nasty incentives that tend to “trap” families at low income levels. Often, these workers and their families would be better off in the long-run if they were to suffer the consequences of the cliff in order to gain more work experience. Unfortunately, few have the resources to ride out a period of lower total income precipitated by the cliff. Another obvious implication is that increases in the minimum wage would actually harm some families by pushing them over the cliff.

Welfare cliffs differ by the recipients’ family structure (one- versus two-parent households, number of children) and do not apply to every welfare program. For example, the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) is very well-behaved in the sense that additional work and/or wage income flows through as a net gain the household. While most welfare programs involve a benefits cliff, incentives are undermined even before that point. A flattening in the level of total income as earned income rises indicates that the recipient faces an increasing marginal tax rate. The chart above shows that total income is relatively flat over a range of earned income below the income at which they’d encounter the cliff. This flat range starts at an earned income of $15,000 to $20,000 and extends up to the severe cliff at almost $30,000.

Zero Hedge quotes a report from the Illinois Policy Institute:

“We realize that this is a painful topic in a country in which the issue of welfare benefits and cutting (or not) the spending side of the fiscal cliff have become the two most sensitive social topics. Alas, none of that changes the matrix of incentives for Americans who find themselves facing a comparable dilemma: either remain on the left side of minimum US wage and rely on benefits, or move to the right side at far greater personal investment of work, and energy, and… have the same (or much lower) disposable income at the end of the day.“

Another interesting take on this issue is offered by Dan Mitchell, who cites a recent National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) paper, which finds:

“…the decline in desire to work since the mid-90s lowered the unemployment rate by about 0.5 ppt and the participation rate by 1.75 ppt. This is a large effect…“

The findings suggest that the welfare reforms of the 1990s actually had positive effects on work effort, though even the EITC creates some incentive problems for second earners. Worst of all is the incentive impact of expanded disability benefits, which have undone some of the gains from reform. Newer programs like Mortgage Assistance and now, Obamacare, have added to the work disincentives. Mitchell cites other research that reinforce these conclusions.

The welfare cliff harms economic efficiency by distorting the offer price of labor, by increasing costs to taxpayers, and by reducing the availability of productive resources. It is grossly unfair because it consigns its intended beneficiaries to a life of dependency. What a waste! Here is Mitchell’s prescription:

“Regarding the broader issue of redistribution and dependency, I argue that federalism is the best approach, both because states will face competitive pressure to avoid excessively generous benefits and because states will learn from each other about the best ways to help the truly needy while minimizing the negative impact of handouts on incentives for productive behavior.“

A side effect of negative welfare incentives is that they increase the relative benefits of participating in illegal income-earning activity. The “War on Drugs” exacerbates this effect by driving up drug prices. Of course, this activity is untaxed, and because it is unreported, it does not push the recipient toward the benefits cliff. This is another example of different government policies working at cross purposes, which is all too common.